The comment was abominable. But, in its candour, it revealed a deeper reality. Practically 40 per cent of Indian graduates aged 15 to 25 are unemployed. They aren’t parasites however victims of financial misgovernance, shrinking alternatives, and a political tradition that substitutes nationalist spectacle for the laborious work of making jobs.
Dipke’s brilliance lay in turning contempt into political chance. He remodeled an insult into an id and stigma into solidarity. The metaphor resonated as a result of it captured a lived actuality: thousands and thousands of younger Indians confronting unemployment, examination scandals, and a rising sense that the system has no place for them.
Inspired by the response, Dipke launched the digital Cockroach Janta Social gathering (CJP), which reportedly attracted 20 million Instagram followers inside days. The State’s response—blocking its X deal with in India, focusing on its on-line presence, and threatening Dipke’s household—solely demonstrated that the thought had touched a nerve. Governments safe of their legitimacy don’t deal with satirical actions as safety threats.
But slogans are simpler to create than actions. The query confronting the CJP is whether or not it could transcend the conventions of Indian politics or, like so many actions earlier than it, be absorbed by them.
The excessive level of the motion to this point has been the mobilisation at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi, the place hundreds gathered to demand the resignation of Schooling Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over the serial leaking of examination papers (NEET, CBSE), on-screen marking irregularities, and a cascade of recruitment scandals which have destroyed the futures of thousands and thousands who trusted that advantage, not less than, can be honoured. Sonam Wangchuk joined the protest, and plenty of others prolonged their help. The power was seen and the anger was authentic.
But the celebrations must be tempered with realism. The gathering, although spectacular, was on no account unprecedented. In a rustic of 1.5 billion, gatherings of hundreds don’t represent a political earthquake. Extra importantly, each the mode of protest and the character of the demand bore the unmistakable stamp of conference and mirrored an absence of grasp of the rot afflicting the nation.
The examination scandals should not merely the product of 1 minister’s failures. They’re signs of a deeper malaise—the degradation of public establishments, the commodification of training, the erosion of accountability, and a political tradition that treats governance as spectacle. Changing Pradhan would depart these structural foundations totally intact.
The identical applies to the selection of Jantar Mantar itself. Over the a long time, numerous actions have been born there, solely to fade into political oblivion. The venue possesses symbolic significance, nevertheless it additionally represents the domestication of dissent. The State has successfully designated a zone the place residents might protest with out threatening the conventional functioning of energy. Governments have change into adept at dealing with demonstrations there. The police know regulate them. Tv channels know bundle them. Political events know exploit them. The system has rehearsed its responses for many years.
In consequence, demonstrations at Jantar Mantar typically change into rituals somewhat than disruptions. They generate headlines and social media content material however hardly ever alter the underlying steadiness of energy. The location could also be extra precisely described as a graveyard of actions than their cradle.
The contraction of creativeness
The trajectory of the CJP reveals a bigger drawback that has plagued Indian dissent for many years: inventive beginnings are repeatedly swallowed by standard politics.
When Dipke launched the digital CJP inside 24 hours of his unique tweet—utilizing AI instruments to design its look and manifesto—the motion’s creativeness was genuinely new. The five-point manifesto it subsequently launched, nonetheless, learn just like the output of any reformist organisation: a ban on post-retirement Rajya Sabha seats for Chief Justices, 50 per cent reservation for ladies in Parliament, arrest of the Chief Election Commissioner underneath the Illegal Activties (Prevention) Act (UAPA) for vote deletion, and cancellation of licences for media homes owned by the Ambani and Adani teams. These are affordable calls for. They aren’t transformative ones. A rustic the place the state equipment has been captured by a single political formation and rendered any formal possibility unattainable doesn’t want one other five-point manifesto. It wants a thoroughgoing reimagination of the connection between the state and the citizen.
Dipke holds a replica of B.R. Ambedkar’s My Autobiography, throughout a protest at Jantar Mantar, which is a ebook Ambedkar by no means wrote, in June, 2026.
| Picture Credit score:
PTI
Then Dipke arrived in India, and with him got here an additional constraint on the motion’s scope. He was photographed prominently holding a replica of B.R. Ambedkar’s My Autobiography—a ebook Ambedkar by no means wrote as such, printed by Prabhat Prakashan, an RSS‑affiliated publication that carries a devoted line of sangh sahitya (literature of the sangh) on the RSS’ historical past and beliefs. This shouldn’t be misinterpret as an ideological hyperlink between Dipke and the RSS; it extra possible displays his unfamiliarity with Ambedkar’s precise corpus.
However the gesture itself revealed a strategic misjudgement. Ambedkar is a towering mental in Indian historical past, however within the social creativeness of nearly all of Indians he stays recognized primarily as a caste icon somewhat than as a common democratic thinker. Putting Ambedkar on the symbolic centre of a motion that aspires to talk to all of India’s discontented youth dangers narrowing its attraction at exactly the second when breadth is its most essential political asset. Furthermore, Ambedkar, all mentioned and achieved, has been so persistently claimed by rival political camps as a prop for the present system that invoking him symbolically constricts the horizon of the novel change India presently wants.
Defying the creativeness of the adversary
That is the place comparisons with current upheavals elsewhere change into instructive, and uncomfortable.
The youth rebellion in Bangladesh that ended the Sheikh Hasina regime in 2024 and the democratic motion in Nepal in 2025 didn’t derive their energy merely from numbers or from introduced protests at designated venues. Their effectiveness lay of their capacity to defy the creativeness of the State. They moved quicker than governments may formulate responses. They occupied areas that energy had not anticipated. They refused the phrases of engagement that the State had ready to handle. They have been, within the exact sense, ungovernable.
The CJP, against this, dangers changing into predictable. Introduced protests, designated venues, calls for for ministerial accountability, standard organisational buildings—these belong to a political grammar that the Indian state understands completely nicely and has been managing for many years. There’s additionally the hazard that Dipke might even see himself as the subsequent Arvind Kejriwal: the outsider who challenged the system, acquired a mass following by way of digital power and anti-establishment aptitude, and ended up operating the system on largely the identical phrases. The Aam Aadmi Social gathering is the cautionary story of what occurs when a motion born of inventive disruption succumbs to the logic of the establishments it sought to rework.
Cockroaches’ energy
The metaphor of the cockroach accommodates a lesson the motion has but to totally soak up. Cockroaches survive as a result of they adapt. They evade management, multiply in areas that energy overlooks, and are decentralised by nature. There isn’t any cockroach headquarters, no supreme chief, no manifesto that an exterminator can goal. They’re troublesome to foretell and tougher nonetheless to remove.
A motion impressed by that metaphor ought to show comparable qualities. Its energy lies not in Abhijeet Dipke, nonetheless succesful or honest, however within the thousands and thousands who recognised themselves within the picture. A motion constructed round a persona inherits that particular person’s limitations; one rooted in collective company acquires resilience. The CJP should due to this fact resist the media’s demand for a face, the general public’s urge for food for a hero, and the political system’s tendency to transform collective anger into private ambition.
Extra basically, it should join what official discourse retains separate: unemployment and examination leaks, agrarian misery and democratic erosion, institutional decay and rising inequality, communal unrest and financial misery. These should not remoted issues however totally different expressions of the identical systemic failure. Except these connections are made seen, political activism will stay trapped within the cycle of fragmented grievances and manageable protests.
The true work is slower and fewer glamorous: constructing networks in schools, factories, villages, and the city casual economic system; conscientising individuals not merely about their instant grievance however in regards to the interconnected disaster that shapes their lives; and cultivating the capability for the regime change India requires—not merely changing one social gathering with one other however basically reconstituting the connection between State and citizen.
The ruling institution created its cockroaches by way of contempt. The response to Dipke’s tweet means that thousands and thousands recognised themselves in that designation. The inventive spark is simple; the problem is to rework it into an inferno.
What stays unsure is whether or not the cockroaches will show as resilient, decentralised, and ungovernable because the insect that impressed their identify. Or whether or not they are going to comply with the overwhelmed observe to the vacation spot that has claimed so many Indian actions earlier than them: changing into a reminiscence of a second when one thing genuinely new appeared doable.
Anand Teltumbde is a former CEO of Petronet India Restricted (PIL), a professor at IIT Kharagpur and Goa Institute of Administration, a civil rights activist, and the writer of over 30 books.
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