On October 26, Timor-Leste marks the primary anniversary of its admission to the Affiliation of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), a milestone that adopted 14 years of efforts and a for much longer historical past of battle for independence. Its accession because the bloc’s eleventh member was celebrated because the completion of Southeast Asia’s regional household. But behind the diplomatic celebrations lies a extra sophisticated actuality. Timor-Leste is getting into a company whose political traditions and practices don’t all the time sit comfortably with the ideas which have formed its personal overseas coverage.
Whereas Timor-Leste’s resistance in opposition to Indonesian occupation is well-known, significantly much less consideration has been paid to its overseas coverage and relations with main powers. Dili has often taken positions which have unsettled its neighbors. Myanmar’s army authorities expelled Timorese diplomats twice, first in 2023 following Dili’s engagement with the opposition Nationwide Unity Authorities (NUG), and once more in February 2026, following the submitting of a legal criticism in Timor-Leste in opposition to senior Myanmar army officers over alleged atrocities. The second expulsion got here barely 4 months after ASEAN accession, exposing the tensions between Dili’s dedication to worldwide justice and the bloc’s longstanding precept of non-interference.
These tensions prolong past Myanmar. Timor-Leste’s relationship with Indonesia stays shadowed by unresolved questions of justice, accountability, and reparations, whereas its relationships with China, america, and Australia require cautious navigation amid intensifying geopolitical competitors. At residence, ASEAN membership brings demanding financial and institutional obligations, rising considerations over transnational crime and the accountability of chairing ASEAN in 2029. For a small state whose independence depended closely on worldwide solidarity, membership affords larger diplomatic affect, but in addition new pressures to compromise. How Dili manages these competing pressures will reveal a lot concerning the sort of regional actor it intends to develop into.
On this inaugural interview for Conversations on Southeast Asia, a brand new Diplomat interview sequence hosted by Khoo Ying Hooi, Timor-Leste’s Vice Minister for ASEAN Affairs, Milena Maria da Costa Rangel, speaks concerning the nation’s first yr in ASEAN and the political and sensible decisions confronting Dili.
This interview has been edited for size and readability.
Timor-Leste joined ASEAN on October 26, 2025, with substantial authorized and institutional commitments beneath its accession roadmap and entry to growth help via the Initiative for ASEAN Integration (IAI). One yr on, how far has Dili progressed in fulfilling these commitments, and the way a lot of the promised help has really materialized? Past the diplomatic achievement of accession, what tangible advantages can extraordinary Timorese, significantly companies and younger folks, count on?
We stay grateful for the welcome and solidarity prolonged to Timor-Leste by ASEAN member states. However changing into a member is barely the start of a for much longer course of.
Our first yr of membership has centered on translating the achievement of accession into coordinated implementation throughout authorities. On the authorized devices, Timor-Leste had acceded to a lot of the 66 devices beneath Precedence 1 of the accession roadmap [the Roadmap for Timor-Leste’s Full Membership in ASEAN] earlier than becoming a member of ASEAN. Two devices regarding the ASEAN Commerce in Items Settlement and the ASEAN Complete Funding Settlement stay beneath dialogue, significantly relating to the widespread authorized framework and home procedures required by member states.
We’re additionally working with the ASEAN Secretariat to evaluate the financial agreements beneath the remaining priorities. Some agreements have expired, haven’t entered into drive, or have been changed. Consequently, the quantity beneath Precedence 2 has been lowered from 48 to 35, and beneath Precedence 3 from 106 to 62. The evaluate has additionally recognized 45 extra agreements that Timor-Leste might want to deal with. Home preparations for accession to the remaining financial agreements are beneath means.
When it comes to help, Timor-Leste has benefited from the IAI since Might 2024, even earlier than changing into a full member. We are actually coated by IAI Work Plan V for 2026–2030, which affords technical help and capacity-building in commerce, agriculture, training, expertise growth, and institutional strengthening.
We’ve got established a nationwide job drive with focal factors in related ministries to determine priorities and develop proposals. Thus far, we now have developed six preliminary venture ideas, three of which have been finalized and submitted to the ASEAN Secretariat. They cowl areas together with sustainable tourism, youth capacity-building, digital expertise for main college academics, and extra resilient espresso manufacturing. The problem now could be to show these proposals into funded tasks that produce sensible outcomes.
Milena Maria da Costa Rangel, Timor-Leste’s vice minister for ASEAN affairs. (Picture credit score: Ministry of International Affairs and Cooperation of Timor-Leste)
For companies and younger folks, ASEAN membership opens entry to a a lot bigger market and new alternatives in commerce, funding, training, and expertise growth. However these advantages is not going to come mechanically. Our companies nonetheless face challenges in manufacturing capability, competitiveness, and assembly regional requirements. We additionally want to enhance younger folks’s expertise and {qualifications} to allow them to make use of those alternatives.
We acknowledge that lots of the obligations require motion now, whereas among the financial advantages will take longer to emerge. That’s the reason we’re taking a phased strategy, primarily based on nationwide priorities, institutional capability, and the timelines agreed with ASEAN.
On October 21, the Council of Ministers accredited the Nationwide Roadmap for the Implementation of ASEAN Financial Commitments for 2026–2030, accompanied by 19 sectoral strategic motion plans and 19 sectoral work plans. These set out the reforms and obligations throughout authorities. Our focus shouldn’t be merely to satisfy authorized necessities, however to make use of membership to help financial diversification, stronger establishments, personal sector growth, and higher alternatives for our folks.
Turning to relations with Indonesia, the 2 nations typically current their relationship as a mannequin of post-conflict reconciliation. But the 2008 Fee of Fact and Friendship (CTF) acknowledged the intense violations dedicated through the 1999 violence, whereas justice and reparations stay unresolved for a lot of victims. Has political reconciliation moved forward on the expense of justice? Now that each nations sit collectively in ASEAN, is that this chapter successfully closed?
Timor-Leste and Indonesia share a troublesome and bitter historical past. Over time, nevertheless, we now have made important progress in constructing a peaceable and constructive relationship primarily based on mutual respect, dialogue, and cooperation. This reconciliation is one thing each nations could be pleased with.
On the identical time, reconciliation doesn’t imply forgetting the previous. We acknowledge the struggling of victims and their households, and we perceive that justice, accountability, and reparations stay necessary. The CTF helped acknowledge what occurred in 1999. On the nationwide stage, the Fee for Reception, Fact, and Reconciliation documented previous human rights violations in its Chega! report and made necessary suggestions.
We have to proceed preserving historic reminiscence, supporting victims, and advancing a nationwide reparations coverage. Membership of ASEAN doesn’t shut this chapter. It supplies an extra setting for cooperation between two sovereign neighbors, whereas the wants and dignity of victims stay necessary in their very own rights.
Indonesia is certainly one of our closest neighbors and an necessary associate in commerce, funding, training, safety, and regional cooperation. For us, reconciliation means acknowledging the previous, addressing its penalties, and constructing a greater relationship for the longer term. However there may be nonetheless work to be finished on the suggestions of the Chega! report. In that sense, reconciliation stays an ongoing course of.
Certainly one of ASEAN’s most contentious points is Myanmar. Min Aung Hlaing, Myanmar’s military-backed chief, has visited 5 ASEAN member states, most not too long ago Malaysia. These developments increase considerations concerning the gradual normalization of Myanmar’s military-backed management, regardless of the dearth of significant progress on ASEAN’s 5-Level Consensus. How does Timor-Leste view these developments? What’s Dili’s place on engagement with the NUG, and the way ought to Myanmar’s illustration in ASEAN relate to progress on the 5-Level Consensus?
Timor-Leste’s place on Myanmar is guided by our dedication to peace, democracy, and worldwide legislation. These ideas stay central to our overseas coverage as we have interaction with different ASEAN member states.
We acknowledge that the state of affairs in Myanmar is advanced, and we’re deeply involved concerning the continued violence, humanitarian struggling, and its impression on civilians. We imagine inclusive dialogue is important.
Engagement with all related stakeholders, together with totally different political teams, ought to contribute to ending the violence, facilitating political dialogue, and attaining significant reconciliation and lasting peace.
Concerning the NUG and different stakeholders, our place is that an inclusive course of is indispensable to a peaceable and sustainable answer. We should always not concentrate on just one group whereas excluding others. On the identical time, we respect Myanmar’s sovereignty and acknowledge its significance in addressing the disaster.
ASEAN membership doesn’t require Timor-Leste to desert its ideas. It supplies one other platform via which we will advance them collectively. We proceed to help the complete and efficient implementation of ASEAN’s 5-Level Consensus because the principal framework for addressing the disaster, and we help ASEAN’s established place regarding Myanmar’s illustration at high-level conferences. Engagement ought to assist cut back violence, enhance humanitarian entry, and create situations for an inclusive, Myanmar-owned political course of.
We be aware of the engagement by some ASEAN member states with the Myanmar authorities and can proceed to comply with developments intently. One factor is for certain: Myanmar stays an integral a part of the ASEAN household.
Timor-Leste has lengthy emphasised democracy and human rights in its overseas coverage, reflecting its personal battle for independence. ASEAN, nevertheless, locations appreciable weight on non-interference. How does Dili reconcile these competing commitments?
We don’t see respect for sovereignty and the promotion of human rights as mutually unique. Timor-Leste’s strategy is to uphold these commitments collectively. Respect for non-interference is important to relations amongst sovereign states, whereas dialogue, humanitarian cooperation, and collectively agreed ASEAN motion may also deal with issues of shared concern.
Our personal historical past reinforces the significance of dignity, self-determination, and peaceable options. Inside ASEAN, we search to contribute constructively via session and cooperation, with respect for the Constitution and worldwide legislation.
The target shouldn’t be to decide on one precept and disrespect one other, however to make sure that ASEAN’s ideas work collectively in help of peace and the well-being of its peoples.
A sequence of police operations this yr uncovered on-line rip-off operations in Timor-Leste, elevating considerations concerning the unfold of transnational legal networks into the nation. Why has Timor-Leste develop into susceptible, and the way will the federal government’s Nationwide Built-in Plan to fight on-line scams, organized cybercrime, and human trafficking for 2026–2031 translate into sensible cooperation with ASEAN companions?
On-line scams, cybercrime, and human trafficking are linked to organized legal networks working throughout borders. This can be a regional downside, but in addition a worldwide one. Timor-Leste shouldn’t be immune to those dangers. We’re nonetheless constructing our establishments and strengthening our authorized and legislation enforcement programs. These actions threaten our nationwide safety, financial system, worldwide repute, and funding setting, so we take them severely.
Our authorities have already investigated and disrupted suspected rip-off operations regardless of restricted sources. The federal government has additionally taken steps to revoke on-line playing and betting licenses and limit associated actions. As you rightly talked about, the Nationwide Built-in Plan for 2026–2031 is geared toward strengthening the response to on-line scams, organized cybercrime, and human trafficking. However adopting a plan is barely the start. The actual problem lies in implementation and enforcement.
ASEAN membership offers us extra alternatives to work with our neighbors, together with via ASEANAPOL [Association of Southeast Asian Nations Chiefs of Police] and different regional mechanisms. Cooperation should contain information-sharing, joint investigations, tracing monetary flows, and stopping legal networks from merely relocating throughout borders.
Public consciousness is equally necessary, particularly amongst younger folks and susceptible communities who could also be focused via fraudulent recruitment or guarantees of simple employment. We acknowledge that gaps stay in our regulatory and enforcement capability. Addressing them will take stronger home coordination and sustained cooperation with regional and worldwide companions. No nation can cope with these networks alone.
Timor-Leste elevated its relationship with China to a Complete Strategic Partnership in 2023 whereas sustaining shut ties with america and Australia. As U.S.-China rivalry intensifies, how does Dili search to protect its overseas coverage independence amid competing major-power pursuits? Does ASEAN supply smaller states significant safety from exterior pressures, or is the group itself more and more constrained by these rivalries?
Our overseas coverage is guided by our nationwide pursuits and by the ideas enshrined in our Structure. We imagine in sustaining pleasant relations with all nations. Our philosophy is that we now have pals, no enemies. Our overseas coverage begins at residence. Our worldwide engagement is rooted in our nationwide values, our dedication to peace, and our respect for worldwide legislation.
We worth {our relationships} with China, america, Australia, and different companions as a result of every contributes in numerous methods to nationwide growth. The Complete Strategic Partnership with China affords alternatives in infrastructure, agriculture, and financial growth. On the identical time, we now have sturdy partnerships with Australia, america, and different nations in training, safety, and institutional growth. We see these partnerships as complementary somewhat than competing.
On protection and safety cooperation, our precedence is to strengthen nationwide capability, shield sovereignty, and contribute to regional peace and stability. The identical precept applies to infrastructure and overseas funding. Cooperation has to serve our nationwide growth priorities.
We acknowledge that major-power competitors creates challenges, particularly for small states. However our strategy shouldn’t be about selecting sides. It’s about making impartial choices primarily based on our nationwide pursuits and long-term growth wants.
That is the place ASEAN membership is necessary. ASEAN supplies nations of various sizes with a platform to have interaction in regional discussions, deepen cooperation, and uphold shared ideas reminiscent of sovereignty and the peaceable settlement of disputes. Its members have totally different views and pursuits, and reaching widespread positions could be troublesome. However, dialogue and the seek for consensus stay necessary. We imagine ASEAN unity and centrality are important to regional peace and stability.
Throughout Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s go to to Dili in January 2026, the 2 nations signed the New Partnership for a New Period, with Canberra pledging extra help for Timor-Leste’s ASEAN integration. But the event of Better Dawn stays unresolved. Has ASEAN membership strengthened Dili’s diplomatic leverage with Australia, and the way can Timor-Leste be certain that its regional priorities stay impartial of Canberra’s strategic pursuits?
Australia is our instant neighbor and has been an necessary growth associate for the reason that restoration of our independence. Its help for nationwide growth, human capital, and institutional capacity-building has been important. We significantly worth its help with our integration into ASEAN.
The New Partnership for a New Period displays our shared dedication to financial growth, training, safety, and regional integration. However I need to emphasize that Timor-Leste’s overseas coverage and regional priorities are guided by our personal nationwide pursuits and growth wants. Strengthening our relationship with Australia and deepening our engagement inside ASEAN should not competing targets.
Better Dawn is necessary to our financial future and to the bilateral relationship. The 2018 Maritime Boundary Treaty was a significant achievement. It demonstrated that disputes could be resolved peacefully via dialogue and worldwide legislation. We proceed to work with Australia and the Better Dawn three way partnership to maneuver the venture ahead. Vital progress has been made, however additional negotiations are wanted. Our precedence is to make sure that the venture creates jobs, helps financial growth, and delivers long-term advantages to our folks.
Australia additionally has a protracted historical past of engagement with ASEAN. For Timor-Leste, membership creates extra alternatives to work immediately with our regional neighbors, construct partnerships, and pursue our personal growth priorities.
Timor-Leste is scheduled to imagine the ASEAN chairmanship in 2029, solely 4 years after its accession. But the federal government’s personal preliminary evaluation recognized important gaps in infrastructure, lodging, educated personnel, and logistical capability. With lower than three years remaining, what measurable progress has been made, how a lot funding has really been secured, and what concrete benchmarks will decide whether or not Dili is able to tackle the chairmanship?
We acknowledge that assuming the ASEAN chairmanship in 2029 might be a big accountability for Timor-Leste. We additionally see it as a possibility to strengthen nationwide establishments, develop human and technical capability, and contribute extra actively to ASEAN community-building.
Chairing ASEAN entails rather more than internet hosting high-level conferences. It requires ample infrastructure, lodging, transport, safety, educated personnel, funding, and coordination throughout authorities. Our preliminary evaluation has recognized gaps, and we’re taking them severely.
We began preparations early. In February 2026, the federal government established the ASEAN Chairship Nationwide Organizing Committee, or ACNOC, chaired by Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, with an govt committee led by International Minister Bendito dos Santos Freitas. Its work covers 5 precedence areas: human sources and institutional capability; infrastructure and services; safety and public order; communication and diplomacy; and finance and coordination.
Work is underway to increase and modernize Dili’s worldwide airport, and preparations are progressing for a world conference heart and different assembly services. We’re strengthening officers’ expertise in protocol, diplomacy, assembly administration, safety, communications, and logistics. We’re additionally receiving help and coaching from different ASEAN member states.
On the financing facet, we’re assessing budgetary necessities, figuring out funding sources, and coordinating with growth companions. Funding for preparations in 2027 and 2028, and for some infrastructure work earlier than 2029, is a part of that course of. We’re conscious that plans and coordination constructions should not sufficient. We want clear timelines, ample funding, implementation, and common monitoring.
If these gaps can’t be resolved in time, would Dili contemplate suspending its flip?
Our focus stays on getting ready to imagine the ASEAN Chairmanship in 2029. We’re approaching that accountability severely, via coordinated planning, measurable milestones, and cooperation with ASEAN companions. We would like this accountability to go away a long-lasting legacy for higher infrastructure, stronger establishments, extra expert personnel, and a larger capability to contribute to regional cooperation.
There are alternatives that might be thought-about; we might talk about such preparations with different member states if obligatory. Any matter affecting ASEAN’s collective preparations could be thought-about via the suitable ASEAN processes. For now, our precedence is to deal with the recognized gaps and be certain that our preparations ship lasting advantages for Timor-Leste.